For the government-general, during colonial Japan times, (this one specifically in colonized Korea)
The land survey was thus the key to unleashing the productive power and standardized maps—those that fashioned order out of perceived chaos.
No single individual contributed to the day-to-day management of the cadastral survey more energetically than Tawara Magoichi (1869–1944), the career bureaucrat appointed vice president of the Temporary Land Survey Bureau in 1910 and later the director of its operations.
Tawara was soon joined by a cadre of surveying experts from Japan’s Land Survey Department (Rikuchi Sokuryobu), many of whom had cut their teeth mapping other parts of the Japanese empire. According to the official account, these surveyors “brought years of experience” (tanen shigyo no keiken o yu shi) and “progressive” surveying techniques (saishinpo seru mono) with them.
A small group of Korean surveyors, many of whom were involved in the ex-Korean government’s Kwangmu land survey (1898–1903), were also folded into the operation, as were fragments of the organizational and operational infrastructure of this earlier surveying enterprise. (Gragert 1994).
Although secondary to the cadastral process, the triangulation survey was nevertheless a vital part of the work of the Land Survey Bureau. Without maps fixed to a grid of longitudinal and latitudinal coordinates, Japan’s efforts would remain detached from the geodetic grid of the international system, yielding maps not only of questionable accuracy but also utterly unimpressive by international standards.
An abstract political goal, the process of triangulation provided the means to, quite literally, do just that. On a more practical level, the triangulation survey also provided the broader picture for surveyors and administrators alike: the base layer of spatial measurements against which more specific calculations (such as the cadastre) could be referenced.
“Based on the process of triangulation,” stated a report on the triangulation process, “the survey can schematically render land form and composition,” making it possible for these surveyors to enhance the cadastral process and reduce error considerably.
Both projects, in other words, were entwined: while cadastral investigators worked their way systematically from hamlet to hamlet and property to property, demarcating the boundaries and valuation of fields along the way, the geodetic survey section carried out a painstaking series of measurements to enable the consolidation of these individual plots onto one systematic spatial grid.
The early institutional composition of the Temporary Land Survey Bureau nicely reflects these twin cartographic imperatives. As of 1911, the bureau was comprised of 835 individuals of which 678 were engaged chiefly in land surveying: one as the chief surveyor, ten as inspectors, four as expert surveyors, and 661 as assistants (Unno 1997, 66).
It consisted of four primary sections: a general affairs section, which oversaw the political and administrative work of the survey; an investigation section, which conducted cadastral fieldwork; a survey section, which was charged with the production of maps through a variety of methods; and the land survey detached offices, which essentially served as local branch offices and data processing centers for the entire enterprise, A 1911 government-general report describes the division of labor as follows: “While the investigation section principally deals with investigating matters concerning ownership, location, boundaries, and also the compilation of reports of investigations, register books, etc., the survey section is charged with carrying out surveys by primary triangulation, secondary triangulation, plat survey and other measurements of lands, and with compiling maps of the districts surveyed” (GGK 1911, 42).
The Land Survey Bureau had also by this point established a small number of training schools where it undertook the recruitment and training of Korean and Japanese surveyors who would contribute to the survey in myriad ways.